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Inequality
for Dummies
Critics
say there are obvious steps Albany could take to ensure equality
in the fire department, but the city has failed to take even
basic steps—including swearing in a man who sued the city
for a job with the department 11 years ago
By
David King
Sebastian
Banks doesn’t want to talk about it. The Albany firefighter
would prefer not to draw attention to himself, risking the
job that he had to sue the city of Albany in 1995 to get.
He would like to be able to work until retirement and keep
the pension he has been working toward. But in truth, there
is not much Banks needs to say beyond his allegation that,
after working as a member of the Albany Fire Department for
more than a decade, he has yet to be sworn in alongside his
coworkers. The allegation speaks for itself.
As troubling
as Banks’ story is, perhaps even more disconcerting is that
the department’s failure to swear him in after 11 years on
the job is well-known to a number of local civil-rights activists,
some of Banks’ coworkers, and even a number of local politicians.
Although
Banks chooses to remain silent about what he perceives as
discrimination by the city, in the court records, the details
of his case remain open for everyone to see.
On June
5, 1993, Banks took a civil-service test to become an Albany
firefighter. Banks scored an 85 and met other criteria for
the position. According to court documents, “154 candidates
passed the June 5, 1993 examination, including the plaintiff.
No candidate scored above a 95.”
From
those who passed the June ’93 exam, the Albany Municipal Civil
Service Commission established a list of 154 eligible candidates,
with their names and scores. Sixty-seven of those candidates
were certified as “eligible for the position as of May 20,
1994.”
On May
24, then-Chief James Larson approved nine candidates to be
firefighters. Seven of those candidates had scored 90 on the
test and two had scored 85. All of the chosen firefighters
were white men. At the time, in a fire department of 261 members,
only eight of them were minorities. On June 7, 1995—almost
a year later—Banks filed a civil action against the city of
Albany and the fire department. Larson testified that he chose
Justin Rhatigan over Banks because he “knew his family.”
Not only
did the court award Banks $150,000 in back pay, cover his
legal costs, and give him a place on the AFD, but as part
of the consent decree, Judge Thomas McAvoy ruled that the
city needed to change its hiring practices to ensure equality
in the fire department.
The decree
called for the AFD to work towards having their ranks more
equally reflect the actual percentage of minorities living
in Albany. At the time of the lawsuit, minorities were said
by the court to be 21.5 percent of the population. Yet minorities
represented only 3.1 percent of the fire department. The lawsuit
demanded that the city create written, objective hiring practices.
The consent decree further mandated
that
a committee—made up of the city’s personnel director, corporation
counsel and director of Equal Employment Opportunity, as well
as the chief executive officer of the Urban League of Northeastern
New York—be set up to determine “the best qualified candidates
for appointment.” If the chief failed to accept the recommendations
of the committee, he would then have to write to the mayor
and the committee to explain why he rejected the proposed
candidate.
And yet
a number of concerned citizens, members of the AFD and city
lawmakers say the city has done very little, if anything,
to ensure equality.
The Minority
Recruitment Com mittee was established to help Albany reach
hiring goals and to figure out how to reach out to the minority
community. A report issued by the committee in 1994 contained
a section called “History of Minority/Women Hiring in the
Albany Fire Department.”
“In summary,
the department has hired 153 firefighters since 1986,” the
report reads. “Of these, 136 have been white males, while
17 or 12.5% have been women or minorities. White males comprise
only 35% of the population of Albany, yet they accounted for
87.5% of these hires, and currently comprise 94% of the department.”
The report
goes on to suggest reaching out into minority communities
to let them know that positions are available in the department
and when tests are being administered, to establish recruitment
and education programs in schools, to lower the age of eligibility
and other changes they felt would help recruit minorities.
But according to Elston Mackey, a firefighter who served on
the committee and who has been a firefighter for 22 years,
not much has changed since the committee made its recommendations
14 years ago.
Mackey
says the city has not gone to proper lengths to recruit minorities,
and most minorities do not have friends and relatives in positions
to secure them jobs and push them to the tops of lists. And
he insists that friend and family connections have ensured
many jobs for white men in the department.
“I am
quite sure there is no black on the job that would have a
problem with that if we also were in a position to get friends
on jobs,” says Mackey. “But we have no one to make sure our
sons, our daughters get the job. There is nobody in the position
to be helpful to us in that matter—no one in the department
and no one in City Hall.”
Fire
Chief Robert Forezzi declined to comment on the Banks case
or the consent decree, but made it clear he was not the chief
during the time of Banks’ lawsuit.
Mackey
recently raised the ire of city officials by placing a phone
call to Mayor Jerry Jennings’ radio show and asking when the
mayor was going to hire more minorities. The mayor insisted
the city is in no position financially to hire any more firefighters.
But as Mackey points out, Albany has had years to rectify
the situation. Despite whatever hiring freeze may or may not
be in place, on June 14 of this year, the city gave another
civil-service test for firefighters.
Chief
Forezzi’s effort to recruit minorities for the test included
booths at grocery stores and public events, firemen stationed
across the city with sign-up sheets, and billboards at the
Armory Garage and at the Palace Theatre.
“We had
test packets at all Albany Housing Authority locations, a
flyer up at the Department of Motor Vehicles,” says Forezzi.
“We had flyers and applications at the fire departments. We
visited YMCAs. We went to all the neighborhood association
meetings. One thing we did this year is we hit all the African-American
barber shops and left flyers and recruitment packages. This
administration is enthusiastic and deliberate with our strategy.”
Forezzi
also says the city has a summer program for teens interested
in becoming firefighters, and there are plans to institute
an EMT training course at Albany High to prepare students
for the firefighter exam.
Despite
his efforts to recruit minorities during Forezzi’s two years
as chief, the department’s current makeup includes only 6.6
percent minorities, of which only 3 percent are African-American.
Currently there are eight African Americans, six women and
two Latinos in the department, whose ranks when full include
260 members. And there are 19 current vacancies.
But Forezzi
says that the low percentages are attributable at least partly
to a relatively new challenge. “A lot of people don’t know
this,” he says, “but post-9/11, the populace witnessed on
national TV what a firefighter does. They saw firefighters
go in to a high-rise on fire and saw it collapse on them.
Since then all fire departments have seen a decline in ethnic
recruitment. What they say to themselves is, ‘Firefighting
is a good job, but it also has a risk involved.’”
Albany
Common Councilman Corey Ellis (Ward 3) takes issue with Forezzi’s
assertion. “What happened before 9/11? Did they increase the
number of minorities on the department before 9/11? No! I
want to know how many minorities he’s interviewed since 9/11
that told him they didn’t want to take the exam because of
9/11.” Ellis further says that such broad statements made
about minorities make him question the chief’s understanding
of the issue at hand.
“I want
to see facts on that statement,” says Ellis, “and if he does
not present them, I am calling the chief’s ability to see
the real issue into question.”
Mackey
says he once was involved in the chief’s recruiting efforts
and was part of a committee that was tasked with creating
a cadet program. But, he says, he and other minority firefighters
were quickly and unexpectedly removed from the process by
Forezzi.
“The
chief does whatever the mayor wants,” says Mackey. “He works
for the mayor. If the mayor doesn’t want a program implemented,
he doesn’t make the chief act upon it. If the chief is acting
upon it but doing it without minorities on the job, how is
he doing something that could possibly be successful without
input from that community? How can you shut out those it would
be helpful for? You can’t do that. You can’t ask me to set
up an Italian-American situation when I’m not Italian-American.
That is just ludicrous!”
Forezzi
insists that he simply brought all recruiting efforts “in
house.”
“We are
building a foundation here,” said Forezzi. “In the time to
come you will see more city kids being aware of the opportunity
to be a firefighter. We are making them aware of the opportunity;
that the door is wide open. Maybe we lack not [sic] making
them aware, but that’s what we are trying to do here.”
Ellis,
who is serving his first term as councilman, says that when
Mackey approached him with concerns about equality in the
fire department and the consent decree from Banks’ case, he
had only one question: “Why didn’t you tell other local politicians
about this?” Mackey responded that he had and nothing had
been done.
“Banks
sued and won, but there is still the same number of minorities
in the department,” says Ellis. “The city cannot tell me they
are actively doing everything possible.” Ellis insists that
the council has allowed the mayor to run the department as
he wishes without paying attention to the results. “It stuns
me that this consent decree was out there, and I heard about
it last year. I couldn’t believe the minorities who were previously
on the [city] council didn’t say a thing about it! How come
the council did not know there was a court decree?”
“The
council should know how the process works,” says Ellis, exasperated.
“I asked the chief to tell me how many minorities have sat
in the chair for an interview after you canvassed, and he
couldn’t tell me that number. And that’s a problem. I asked
him to tell me the number of minorities that, after the initial
interview, went to the agility test and failed, and he couldn’t
tell me that either. If they are really trying to increase
the number of minorities, he should keep a record of how many
came through, how many went through the agility test. What
was the flaw or failure of minorities? And without that understanding,
are you really trying to have minorities in the fire department?”
McKinley Jones, vice president of the Albany Chapter of the
NAACP, says he has watched in horror since 1998 as the city
failed to move on the consent decree that would have held
the Albany Fire Department to basic equality standards. “I’ve
always known the fire department is one of the few remaining
departments refusing to recognize the new age of affirmative
action,” he says. “The lack of minorities in city government
in Albany is no different. I just deplore that this consent
decree was ignored by the city for years. We were let down
by the mayor, let down by the Urban League, and let down at
the city council because those three were supposed to implement
the decree, and the fact that they didn’t do that continues
to put us behind schedule for equality.”
Jones
says that until the city implements all the court’s recommendations
from the Banks case, “Anything they do in terms of equality
is suspect.”
Councilman Ellis adds that the failure to implement the Banks
case decree has a further consequence: Minorities in Albany
have no reason to believe they will be given a job on the
department, especially after the treatment Banks has received
and what Ellis perceives as the city’s token gestures towards
achieving equality in the department.
The
refusal to swear Banks in, Ellis believes, “says the city
is not as progressive as they call themselves on hiring minority
firefighters. They won’t have him sign the book! It sends
the message to minority firefighters, ‘If they haven’t even
sworn him in, do they really want him in the department?’
”
Although
the chief has told Ellis that he is working on starting a
cadet program in Albany High that would reach out to students
in the 12th grade, Ellis says that minorities need a chance
to become interested in the job much earlier during their
education and be given sufficient time to prepare for the
career.
Ellis
has proposed instituting a cadet program similar to the one
used in Rochester, where students are recruited early in their
educational career and held to a set of standards higher than
the general population. Ellis says that instituting a program
of such magnitude in Albany would be a sign that the city
is committed to recruiting minorities.
Mackey
says the city has an opportunity to right a large wrong by
implementing a cadet program. “In 1994, we went to Rochester
to speak to people on their recruitment committee, and we
were given all the information to implement the program. The
city [of Albany] said they would act on it. And they didn’t.”
“I used
to work with the chief in terms of going out and doing recruitment,”
Mackey adds. “We used to work with the chief going to job
fairs every year, but he cut that out in terms of me even
being a participant last year. He’s mad at me for speaking
out, but I’m not mad at him. His hands are tied to do whatever
the mayor wants to.”
Forezzi
counters that the Rochester program is not the be-all end-all,
and that cities all over the country are experimenting with
effective recruiting programs.
According
to Mackey, he presented the city with two programs this year
that would increase minorities in the department, but he says
his ideas were dismissed. “They can say one thing to the media,
but ’til they act on it, it is just a smokescreen and lip
service, and we don’t want lip service.”
On a
positive note, Mackey says that day-to-day, working as a firefighter,
he faces no stigma from his coworkers because he is a minority.
“I’m
gonna speak for the majority of minorities on the job and
say they don’t have problems with discrimination from their
coworkers,” says Mackey. “I’m not a racist, and I treat everyone
like they treat me. I used to be well-admired on the job.
I don’t know how all guys might feel now since I’ve raised
a fuss, but all the guys know I’m not a racist. I’m not prejudiced.
My grandfather was a white Irishman.”
Banks,
however, might disagree that there is no discrimination among
the rank and file. He went through an ordeal after the events
of Sept. 11, because of his status as a Muslim. People familiar
with the events say that Banks took issue with posters and
flags hung in his firehouse in the wake of the attack that
destroyed the World Trade Center. Banks allegedly took it
upon himself to take a flag and poster down, and faced disciplinary
charges from the fire department. Around the same time, Banks
allegedly was seen by a police officer putting a shotgun and
an assault rifle into his car. He was brought up on charges
in court and suspended by the commissioner of public safety.
A judge
dismissed the court charges against Banks, but Banks was brought
up on departmental disciplinary charges as well.
People
familiar with Banks’ case allege that the department tried
to charge him with violating his firefighter’s oath—the very
oath Banks insists he never took. Lawyers for the department
allegedly advised the department it could not charge Banks
for violating his oath if he had never taken it. Sam Fresina,
president of the Albany Firefighters Union, was quoted in
the Times Union as saying of Banks, “We want to make
sure that his allegiance is to this fire department and this
country. There are allegations that he has denounced America
and Americans and said that he is not an American. We are
helping in an investigation, and we will be listening to both
sides.”
Banks
claimed at the time he was removing a poster of an American
flag with something offensive written on it.
Mackey
says that the city has developed a habit of dealing with grumbling
about inequality in the fire department by announcing new
initiatives that never come to pass or by feigning concern
without being prepared to act.
“There
was a Times Union comment about the fire department,
and they were talking explicitly about setting up a cadet
program in the Albany School District,” says Mackey. “Well,
September is three months away and it has yet to be instituted.
A cadet program is the best working venue out there to get
minorities in jobs, and we have had no progress on it. So
there again they are talking, sending up smokescreens again.
They talk a good game, but they don’t act upon what they preach.”
In the
end, no matter what excuse the city comes up with for not
adhering to the court’s consent decree or for not implementing
more intense minority-recruiting programs, the truth is plain
to see, says Mackey.
“They
just don’t want to do it,” he says. “It’s a successful program
throughout major cities in this country. If you don’t want
to have success you don’t institute the program. It is that
simple.”
Ellis
agrees. To get minorities who live in the city into the department
the city needs to implement an in-school program that starts
before high school, offer an EMT class in Albany High, and
allow firefighter applicants who are minorities a grace period
after they join the department to take the EMT course. Ellis
says this is important because most people who have previous
EMT training are white men from outside the city limits who
serve in rural or suburban volunteer fire departments. “If
we want to employ minorities and people who live in our city,
this is what we have to do. It is that simple.”
Ellis
insists that those who do not understand the connection between
Banks’ story and trying to recruit minority Albany firefighters
today are simply deluding themselves.
The Banks
case “has everything to do with recruitment,” says Ellis.
“It shows that if the department has not sworn in a minority
firefighter who had to sue to get a place on the department,
how can I as a regular citizen think that they are actively
doing everything necessary to make minorities feel comfortable
in the department and to make sure they are in the department?
I cannot take your gestures seriously. And how can we be expected
to take it seriously as a community when they did not follow
a court decree? The City of Albany did not follow a court
decree! Then how can we expect them to actively recruit minorities
now?”
Forezzi
says that he is focused on getting an EMT class into Albany
High, and more than understands its importance. “An EMT class
will allow us to capture them in high school. It will not
only get them interested in a career as a firefighter, but
also allows them an opportunity get a job on the ambulance
or in the ER or a doctor’s office. There is lots of opportunity
here, and we are working hard with the school administration
to get this program in the high school. I am telling you this
will put us in a vanguard with other cities. They will blueprint
us when it happens. As you can see, we have not been lying
around here. We’ve been hitting it hard here. We are dedicated
and sincerely motivated.”
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