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Give me your deportables: protest outside the Buffalo
Federal Detention Center in Batavia.
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Removable
Alien
Ansar
Mahmood, despite widespread support, denied a deportation
deferral
In
the face of widespread outcry about the case of Ansar Mahmood,
the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (part of
the Department of Homeland Security) has come out swinging.
In a June 29 letter, BICE field director William Cleary denied
Mahmood’s request for a deferred action on his deportation,
in language so strong that Mahmood’s supporters have said
it amounts to defamation of character.
Mahmood, a Pakistani immigrant with a green card living and
working in Hudson, was arrested shortly after Sept. 11, 2001,
for asking to have his picture taken by a reservoir. Though
he was quickly cleared of all terrorism suspicions, in the
process he was charged with harboring illegal aliens for having
helped some friends who had overstayed their visas get an
apartment and a car. He was found guilty, and sentenced to
time served, but under the 1996 immigration laws, having a
felony conviction made him immediately deportable, and he
has been detained outside of Buffalo since October 2001.
A devoted network of supporters has rallied around Mahmood,
saying he is a victim of anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant sentiment
[“Taking on the Deportation Machine,” Newsfront, Sept. 25,
2003].
Mahmood’s last legal avenue to avoid deportation was a request
for a discretionary deferral. In his letter denying deferred
action, Cleary repeatedly called Mahmood an “aggravated felon”
(a term that applies only to immigrants) and emphasized that
an immigration judge determined that Mahmood was “a liar and
a perjurer,” and “anything but, consistent, believable, and
credible.”
According to his current lawyer, Rolando Velasquez, and his
supporters, Mahmood’s public defender told him to agree with
everything he was asked (i.e. plead guilty) in order to receive
a lenient sentence, not understanding that this would make
him immediately deportable. Mahmood did so, saying under oath
that he had known that his friends were here illegally. He
has since said that wasn’t true.
Susan Davies, one of the leaders of Mahmood’s defense committee,
calls Mahmood’s experience Kafkaesque. “You don’t know the
culture, you don’t know what to do, you trust that people
know what they’re talking about.”
“A
lot of people get bad advice it seems from attorneys who don’t
understand the immigration consequences of a plea deal or
a violation,” said Velasquez. “I’ve been an immigration lawyer
for 10 years, both with the government and in private practice.
It’s funny how many times I’ve heard it on both sides.”
“How
often have most of us been encouraged to change the truth
of our story to lower a legal penalty even at the level of
traffic court infractions?” wrote the Chatham Peace Initiative
in its 14-point response to Cleary’s letter, which also noted
that Cleary overstated Mahmood’s English proficiency, misleadingly
implied that he had had numerous legal appeals, and neglected
to mention his Congressional and international NGO support.
An earlier draft of the denial letter acquired by the press
has some significant differences from the official version.
“Your removal is in the best interests of national security,”
Cleary wrote in that draft. That was later removed. “We’re
not saying he’s a threat to national security, we’re saying
he’s a convicted felon,” said Michael Gilhoody, BICE’s regional
director for public affairs. (After sending this letter, Cleary
went on vacation for a month.)
“If
he was a citizen charged with this same action, he would’ve
been on probation . . . with a conviction on his record, but
still free on the streets,” noted Velasquez.
Gilhoody declined to make that comparison. “We don’t remove
U.S. citizens,” he said. (The mission of BICE’s Office of
Detention and Removal is “to promote the public safety and
national security by ensuring the departure from the United
States of all removable aliens . . .”)
Gilhoody said Mahmood’s supporters are “making issues which
in fact don’t cut to the heart of the matter. The heart of
the matter is Ansar Mahmood was charged with harboring, admitted
to harboring, and was convicted of harboring.”
Criticism of Mahmood’s supporters shows up in Cleary’s letter
as well, where he lists claims made by people who contacted
him about the case, including that harboring should not be
a crime, and that the conviction should be overlooked because
he was originally picked up due to racial profiling. In the
first draft of the letter he also mentions “general anti-US
government sentiments.”
“He
didn’t need to bring that up, so it must have been a factor
in their decision,” said Davies. She said the group’s approach
was “not political,” but “a lot of support came from people
who could just write one letter or make one call, and we didn’t
have control over what they said, and didn’t want to.”
Mahmood’s supporters’ next steps are lobbying his Congressional
supporters (seven senators and 20 congresspeople so far) to
introduce a private bill on his behalf and appealing to Cleary’s
boss, Victor Cerda. Cerda, who was the target of a call-in
day last Friday (July 2), did not return calls for comment.
Davies, who visited Mahmood last weekend, said he is “extremely
sad, but he sees a larger picture.” She said he’s considering
writing about his experiences.
—Miriam
Axel-Lute
maxel-lute@metroland.net
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Two Democrats, one seat: John Reilly... Photo by: Shannon
DeCelle
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Trailmix:
Family Rivalry
Rare
Democratic primary for Family Court judge raises profile of
the court, and the selection process
A
Family Court judgeship is a lot of work for not a lot of glory.
But judicial aspirants have to start somewhere, and so an
unexpected opening on the Albany County Family Court bench
may lead to an equally unexpected Democratic primary.
The contenders are the Albany County Democratic Committee’s
pick, John Reilly, and challenger Margaret Walsh, who has
until July 15 to collect the 2,000 signatures needed to secure
a spot on the ballot for a Sept. 14 primary, which is believed
to be the first-ever Democratic primary for the county’s Family
Court. They are running for the position of longtime Judge
Beverly Tobin, the first, and so far only, woman to sit on
the Albany County Family Court. Tobin retired barely three
weeks ago.
Both Walsh and Reilly are attorneys familiar with the court.
Walsh, 39 and now in private practice specializing in family
law, was a law guardian for four years, serving as the appointed
legal representative of children who came before the court.
Reilly, 45, has been a support magistrate in the court for
six years, deciding child-support issues at the rate of 3,000
cases a year.
Both candidates are Albany natives, active in both party politics
and county and city government. Both were among the 16 applicants
vying for the party’s backing for the judgeship, which pays
a salary of $119,800 for a 10-year term.
Reilly was ranked “highly qualified” by the party’s selection
committee, and subsequently given the endorsement, while Walsh
earned the respectable but lesser ranking of “qualified.”
Walsh is serious about the job. “I have a lot of experience
in Family Court,” she said. “I think it’s extremely gratifying
work; you get to make a difference in a family’s life.” Asked
why she is attempting a move that may gain her grudging admiration
for her moxie but not much else from party leaders, she noted,
“I have a lot of experience with these so-called ‘party people.’
They’re my friends. So I’ve not had any negative experience
with them. The job of Family Court judge is not about politics;
it’s about children.”
Walsh said she hopes voters will remember that she is a Democrat
with solid Irish-Italian family roots in the city. “When you
think about a sense of community, it was really about strong
families, and that’s a wonderful way to raise children,” Walsh
said of the ethnic communities of Albany’s past.
Walsh says a woman with a range of experience in politics,
government and Family Court would provide a good balance on
the bench. She has been an assistant corporation counsel and
an assistant commissioner for the city’s Department of Taxation
and Assessment, and worked on corporation counsel Gary Stiglmeier’s
unsuccessful bid for a City Court judgeship two years ago.
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...and Margaret Walsh. Photo by: Shannon DeCelle
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“The
advantage to diversity is that it brings a broad perspective
to the court,” Walsh said. “I think it’s important for people
to know that I am a Democrat, and that I stand for the beliefs
of the Democratic Party—diversity, inclusion, representation
for the disenfranchised.”
Reilly also speaks of the emotional rewards of the job. “Family
Court is definitely a place where there’s an awful lot of
raw emotion,” he says. “I really can’t think of anything better
than to be in a situation where you can help families and
kids. Ten years would be great; I’d like to do it until I
retire.”
As an assistant district attorney under former Albany County
DA Sol Greenberg, he handled some cases involving teenagers
charged as adults, including the 1995 trial of 15-year-old
Abiodun Jahi Knox, one of the youngest people in Albany County
ever convicted of murder. Reilly said he’d like to develop
a program of community volunteers working in Family Court.
“I’d
love to see something to address juvenile delinquents and
kids seen at risk of falling into a pattern of incarceration,”
Reilly said.
The winner of the primary will go on to face the Republican
candidate, attorney Lisa Harris, 35, the general counsel for
the New York State Consumer Protection Board. She’s a Schenectady
native and the daughter of educators, whose own schooling
started in the Head Start program. Harris, who is black, said
she was raised in a spirit of social consciousness that will
serve her well in a court that deals with an overwhelming
number of low-income and minority families.
“A
lot of people say our children are our future, our children
are our tomorrow,” Harris said. “My message is, ‘Our children
are today.’ The family unit as a whole, no matter what form
it comes in, needs to be recognized.”
Family Court judge is a draining job where the decisions rest
entirely on the judge, because there are no juries. “It requires
a lot of patience, because a high number of people are not
helped by attorneys; they go in on their own,” said attorney
Paul Van Ryn, who has practiced before Albany County Family
Court for nearly 25 years. “And typically, you’re dealing
with issues that are very emotional. And this is why I think
Family Court judges have more responsibility than other judges.”
“It’s
a great patronage job,” said Libby Post, an activist in the
lesbian/gay community who worked briefly on Walsh’s campaign.
“The [Democratic] Party is interested, I think, in keeping
it under their control.”
Family Court judges appoint law guardians for children who
need advocates and representatives. Law guardians earn $75
an hour, far less than most attorneys in private practice,
for what court observers call a thankless task. A new judge
of the party’s pick would probably follow the party’s recommendation
on other patronage possibilities such as staff appointments.
A week ago, an appointed panel issued a report that sharply
criticized New York’s method of electing judges: Candidates
are picked by the parties after a recommendation by a party
selection committee. The report said the system is rife with
party politics and outside influences.
Bruce Shultis, the first vice chair of the Albany County Democratic
Committee, said that party chair and Albany city treasurer
Betty Barnette has worked to make that existing system as
open as possible. Barnette did not return repeated calls seeking
comment.
Musing on the upcoming primary, Shultis said, “I’ve known
Peg [Walsh] for years. I like Peg a lot. She opted to primary,
and I guess that’s what she had to do.”
—Darryl
McGrath
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Still speaking out: Shokriea Yaghi. Photo by: Teri Currie
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It
Can Happen Here
Local
residents cast spotlight on Arab-American persecution taking
place close to home
At
a forum held last week in Delmar, Shokriea Yaghi [“Local Heroes,”
December 19, 2002], a local resident whose husband was deported
to Jordan in June 2002, echoed a sentiment that has become
all too familiar in recent years.
“It’s
almost impossible to think that this could happen anywhere,
especially that it could happen here,” said Yaghi, who described
the circumstances leading to her husband’s arrest and subsequent
deportation in order to raise awareness of Arab-American persecution
in the Capital Region.
The FBI took Ali Yaghi, Shokriea’s husband, into custody in
late September 2001, after receiving a report that he made
anti-American remarks. Ali spent nine months in the Metropolitan
Detention Center in Brooklyn and was deported to Jordan in
June 2002 for overstaying his visa. No criminal charges were
filed against him.
Recently, a report issued by the U.S. Department of Justice
found that during the time of Ali’s detention, “MDC staff
members misused strip searches and restraints to punish detainees
and that officers improperly and illegally recorded detainees’
meetings with their attorneys.”
“I
can’t believe that my government, my home, could do something
like that,” said Shokriea, who also claimed that her husband
was about to receive his green card—after many years of bureaucratic
confusion—when he was arrested.
According to Shokriea, she was made aware of her husband’s
deportation only when a package of his belongings arrived
in the mail. She now travels back and forth between Jordan
and the United States in order to see her family and continue
the campaign for Ali’s citizenship.
“I
need my kids to be able to stand up when they’re men and say,
‘What happened, happened, but our father didn’t do it,’ ”
said Yaghi.
Joining her at the forum, which was sponsored by local advocacy
group Bethlehem Neighbors for Peace, was Imam Warith-Deen
Umar, a Bethlehem resident who also claims to have been victimized
by anti-Muslim sentiment following the events of Sept. 11,
2001.
According to Umar, he was removed from his position as a Muslim
chaplain in the federal prison system and banned from volunteering
in state prisons due to a February 2003 Wall Street Journal
story that accused him of disseminating anti-American propaganda.
After the WSJ article was published, Gov. George E.
Pataki, Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) and other state officials
made similar accusations against Umar during a statewide investigation
of Muslim chaplains.
While Umar missed the deadline to sue Schumer and Pataki for
defamation of character—the result of bad legal advice, he
claims—his lawsuit against the WSJ has been filed in
the state’s court system and will proceed.
Before his dismissal, Umar had founded the National Association
of Muslim Chaplains and served for 25 years in the New York
State Department of Correctional Services. During that time,
he was instrumental in increasing the number of Muslim chaplains
serving New York prison inmates, 20 percent of whom are Muslim.
Umar, an outspoken critic of American policy, contends that
his voice is one of analysis and dissent, not the “hate speech”
his detractors describe. The growth of anti-American sentiment
in foreign nations, according to Umar, is not a condemnation
of freedom or democracy, but an indication of deep-rooted
problems within American culture.
“I
never projected myself as a patriot,” said Umar at last week’s
forum. “I’m a Muslim first, a black man second, and an American
third.”
And it is the right to develop these priorities, reasoned
Umar, which Americans must protect.
During the discussion following each speaker’s presentation,
members of the audience—which included several Arab-American
and Muslim attendees among the assembly of about 40 individuals—spoke
of the need for local residents to take action in the protection
of civil rights.
“We’ve
often discussed the question of where the good Germans were
[during World War II],” said Joe Lombardo, a member of Bethlehem
Neighbors for Peace, which is assisting Umar’s legal defense.
“I’m afraid that it will eventually be asked, ‘Where were
the good Americans?’ I’d like to answer that they were out
in the streets, fighting this.”
—Rick
Marshall
rmarshall@metroland.net
| Steamy
River |
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Photo by: John Whipple
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An
up-close-and-personal view of the mouth of the
Mohawk River from Dave Conroy’s steam-powered
boat Galatea, which was part of Waterford’s
second annual Steamboat Meet last Saturday (July
3). The meet was intended to celebrate Waterford’s
historical connections to steam power and to draw
more visitors to the harbor. More than a dozen
steamboats participated, steaming into town in
a procession from Troy to Waterford on Friday
afternoon.
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