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Separation
Anxiety
Albany
County considers farming out services at award-winning and
much beloved county agency for crime victims
‘My
entire life has changed because of my treatment there,” said
Irene of working with the Crime Victims and Sexual Violence
Center of Albany County. “I feel as if for the past 30 years
I was living in hell and to me that was normal.” Irene (some
client names have been changed to protect confidentiality)
was dealing with the effects of numerous traumas in her past,
including rapes, being kidnapped, and being held at gunpoint.
She was suicidal for 30 years, and disassociated (a common
response during trauma, where one seems to be observing one’s
own actions from outside of the body) regularly in her everyday
life. She had sought help at other agencies and with private
counselors before, but she said only the therapists at CVSVC
were able to identify the connections between her traumas
and her behaviors and give her the tools she needed to live
a happy, healthy life.
Irene has recommended the services of the agency—which provides
victims of violent crime with free long-term group and individual
therapy, a crisis hotline, and advocates who accompany them
in the emergency room and through the court process—to many
people she knows. But right now she’d be hesitant to suggest
it.
A few months ago, she began to notice that vacancies on the
staff weren’t being filled, and began to ask county officials
what was going on. She didn’t get any clear answers, but not
long after her therapist met with her to prepare for a transition
to a new therapist. Her therapist was starting to look for
other jobs because the agency had been told that the incoming
director, Elizabeth Martin, was going to be looking into the
possibility of using other county agencies and private not-for-profits
to provide CVSVC’s services. Irene said her therapist wanted
to stay with the agency, but the future seemed uncertain enough
that, with a family to take care of, it seemed wise to be
looking for other jobs.
Though clients and volunteers knew few specifics about the
supposed changes, and all they were officially told was that
Martin (who has not yet been officially appointed) was taking
meetings with clients to discuss how the center works, news
of the threat of privatization spread rapidly. “It’s very
unsettling,” said Patricia Rose, who volunteers on the hotline
and as a hospital advocate. “Very discouraging. We are being
stonewalled. What did we do wrong?”
Jane, another client, said she’d spoken to two women in a
group session who were considering dropping out because the
agency’s uncertain future “just doesn’t feel safe.”
Martin, currently the health and human services coordinator
for the county, emphasizes that the services will “absolutely”
continue, but that “as new director, it’s my duty to research
the best systems to deliver those services . . . in the most
cost-effective manner.” She said that could end up meaning
no change to the center, using other county agencies, or using
private nonprofits, but no decision has been made. “If there
is a change, it’s going to be a long time out,” she said,
insisting the rumors of a change as soon as next April were
unfounded.
Martin also said that this examination is not unique to CVSVC.
The county executive has charged all the department heads
with looking at ways to cut costs, she noted.
But many clients and volunteers have started contacting their
county legislators now to express their opposition to any
changes that would decentralize the center’s services. The
number-one concern is access to therapists with training and
experience in the specialized area of working with trauma
survivors. Such experience is rare, and clients say many longtime
staffers at the 30-year-old CVSVC have developed a unique
skill in the area. They are concerned about the ability of
nonprofits’ notoriously low wages to attract people with similar
depths of experience.
“A
master’s degree doesn’t make you a master in working with
survivors of trauma,” said Jane, a CVSVC client who has also
just completed a masters in social work. “If the work gets
outsourced . . . the quality of services will take a nosedive,
I guarantee you.”
“Other
not-for-profits, they didn’t have therapists, only counselors,”
said Irene. “Even the private counselors weren’t equipped
to deal with trauma.”
Other concerns include possible compromising of confidentiality
if services moved from their current nondescript downtown
office building, whether services would remain accessible
to people who rely on public transportation, if there would
be a dropoff in volunteers if the services are scattered,
and losing the focus of an agency with one concentrated mission.
“Having it at one central location is validating,” said Daniel
Borgia, a former client.
“There’s
a strength to the agency,” said Jane. “The feeling of it for
me, it’s not just this one person, one clinician helping me.”
She also said that in her experience in the field, in “an
agency that has diversified services, somebody that has an
MSW and also has the experience and specialized training,
that person often becomes a resource to the other staff people;
they become in a sense a clinical supervisor, even if that’s
not their job title, so their ability to focus on the clinical
work is diminished.”
And, for current clients, disrupting the established relationships
with their therapists is a serious worry. When Florence Getter,
a current client, lost a therapist she had been working with
at another agency due to budget cuts, it threw her into a
serious depression, she said. “Healing occurs in a relationship,
and building a relationship takes a lot of time,” explained
Jane.
Martin said that in her meetings with concerned clients, she
has heard strongly the concern about skill level of the staff,
and “that is something I will definitely be considering when
I look at different models for delivering the services.”
Rose and others believe, however, that there are indications—such
as Martin’s lack of clinical experience—that the only reason
she was appointed to the position was to restructure the agency.
Getter is suspicious because of the vague and mixed messages
she and others have been getting, including claims that the
review both is and is not about money, and that there has
been no straight answer about a timeline. The staff “are all
in fear for their jobs, and for their clients also,” she said.
That’s understandable, said Martin, but she hopes that staff
will stay on and participate in the evaluation and planning.
“It’s not like next month we’re going to be gone,” she said.
Staff at the clinic said they were not free to speak on the
subject.
Rose speculated that something more than money might be behind
the interest in reviewing the center’s operations. “I’m wondering
if we’ve stepped on political toes because we were involved
in the Boxley case, the Adam Clayton Powell III case,” she
mused.
Meanwhile, county legislators are hearing from their constituents.
At Monday’s Albany County Legislature meeting (Nov. 8), when
Martin’s appointment was sent to the law committee, Gary Domalewicz
(District 11) addressed the legislature, saying he wanted
to let it be known that he was against any privatization of
the center. “It would have to come here, and I promise you
a vigorous fight,” he said after the meeting, noting that
the legislature is “normally the last to know.” He added that
they had already made their feelings on privatization clear
in May’s vote against allowing NAPA Auto Parts to take over
a unit of the Public Works Department.
—Miriam
Axel-Lute
maxel-lute@metroland.net
| Overheard |
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overheard:
“I
didn’t expect it to be a revival tonight.”
“Well,
in a way, that’s exactly what it is.”
—Couple
leaving
Howard Dean’s Monday
night talk at the Egg
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| What
a Week |
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We
Still Have Some Standards
A
federal judge has ruled that President Bush contradicted
current policy and ignored the Geneva Conventions
when he declared detainees at Guantánamo naval
base were not prisoners of war, and set up military
commissions to try them as war criminals. In response
to the judge’s ruling, a Justice Department spokesman
reiterated the administration’s position that
war detainees from Afghanistan should not be granted
POW status, and that this controversial presidential
declaration makes trial by military commission
legal.
And
the Hits Keep Coming
According
to sources close to the White House, White House
counsel Alberto Gonzales is expected to replace
John Ashcroft as U.S. Attorney General. Ashcroft
announced his resignation Tuesday (Nov. 9). Gonzales
has supported the administration’s policy of detaining
terrorism-related suspects for long periods of
time without being allowed access to lawyers or
actually being charged with any crimes. He also
supported a 2002 administration proposal that
would waive anti-torture laws and international
treaties regarding prisoners of war.
So
Close, and Yet
Sen.
Dick Durbin (Ill.) is a Democrat progressives
can be comfortable with. Among many consistently
progressive stands, he’s been reliably pro-choice.
So it’s good that he’s the likely next minority
whip in the Senate, a job that includes rounding
up votes for a filibuster on judicial nominees.
But it would be even better if he weren’t playing
second fiddle to Sen. Harry Reid (Nev.), the expected
next Senate minority leader, and an established
anti-choice voice.
Drunk
Driving OK, Helping a Friend Not
The
Supreme Court has ruled in the case of a Haitian
immigrant that drunk driving, even drunk driving
that caused serious bodily injury, is not a “crime
of violence” that makes someone deportable. The
immigrant in that case was allowed to return home.
Odd, since the Bureau of Immigration and Customs
Enforcement argued in the local case of Ansar
Mahmood, who was deported for violating immigration
law because he helped friends with expired visas
get an apartment, that any felony was not
only deportable, but must result in deportation,
under the 1996 immigration reforms. Which is it,
folks?
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The
Doctor Is Back In
Overflow
crowd listens to Howard Dean rally Democrats for the future
During
a recent Capital Region appearance, former Vermont governor
and candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination Howard
Dean shed some light on the nation’s growing cultural divide
and posed a few solutions—but only to those fortunate enough
to get a seat.
An immense
crowd packed the lobby of the Egg performing arts center last
Monday (Nov. 8) in order to hear the onetime shoo-in for the
Democratic nomination speak on “The Long-Term Implications
of the Presidential Election 2004.” Event organizers from
Empire State College had their hands full though, as all of
the 400-or-so seats in the Lewis A. Swyer Theatre were reserved
by Monday morning, forcing ESC to turn away scores of hopeful
attendees who
hadn’t made use of the “suggested” seat-reservation process.
“This
is ridiculous,” announced a
middle-aged woman in a “Dean ’04” shirt after finding out
that she wouldn’t be able to attend the lecture. “Why would
they pick the smallest theater [in the Egg] for something
like this?”
While
ESC representatives acknowledged that the event had drawn
a far larger crowd than anticipated, they declined to comment
on whether moving the event to the Egg’s 982-seat Kitty Carlisle
Hart Theatre was an option.
Those
who did make it into the theater formed a crowd of various
ages and ethnicities, and versions of Dean’s 2004 campaign
motif on shirts, stickers or pins were sported by attendees
young and old. At times, the event took on the air of a Democratic
campaign rally, with wild applause punctuating nearly every
sentence uttered by the night’s speaker and criticisms of
the Republican Party peppering the lecture.
Early
in the night, Dean poked fun at the final days of his own
campaign while saluting the efforts of voter-registration
volunteers who journeyed to nearby swing states.
“It is
important to do more than just vote,” he began, quickly switching
into an imitation of the enthusiastic speech many considered
to be the final nail in his campaign coffin.
“And
I’ve met more people who went to Pennsylvania, or Iowa, or
Ohio, or South Carolina, or Michigan or California! Yeah!”
he shouted.
Later
in the night, Dean explained that his infamous yell was not
nearly as epic an event as the media had portrayed it, since
the combination of a microphone rigged to drown out background
noise and cameras that cropped out most of the speech’s audience
offered a far different version of the moment than reality.
“There
were 1,200 kids in that hall that had worked their hearts
out for me for three weeks in Iowa,” he said. “We didn’t win,
and I wanted to give them a big cheer-up speech. . . . But
the cameras had me prancing around like a madman.”
Throughout
the 45-minute speech, Dean frequently drew upon stories and
experiences he had accumulated while ascending the political
ladder to illustrate his position on key issues of the recent
presidential campaign, as well as the differences between
his stance, that of the Republican Party, and in some cases,
that of the National Democratic Party. According to Dean,
only by exploring and understanding these differences would
the nation ever be able to find common ground.
Dean
claimed that divisive issues such as gay marriage and women’s
reproductive rights are more appealing to Republicans because
the polarized response associated with each issue creates
an instant, dedicated support base for the party. And, he
added, it’s the Republicans’ ability to make these issues
the sole focus of a campaign—aided by both media and public
acceptance of this simplified platform—that has caused the
United States’ cultural divide to grow.
“If you
look at Americans, no matter what kind of people we are, we
have 95 percent of what we care about in common, and 5 percent
makes us different,” he said, arguing that politicians should
spend the bulk of their campaigns discussing the more common
goals of society, such as education and employment. “Doesn’t
it make more sense to concentrate on the 95 percent of the
things that bring us together than the 5 percent of things
that separate us?”
To illustrate
his point, Dean explained how a recent conversation with an
anti-choice friend became a microcosm of the liberal-conservative
divide. After trying in vain to convince one another of the
inconsistencies in each position, they finally agreed that
both of their interests would be served if they simply devoted
their efforts to reducing the number of abortions occurring
each year. When the goal that everyone agrees upon is kept
in focus, notions such as the introduction of abstinence alternatives
and parental consent for abortions will begin to appeal to
both sides, and progress toward the common goal can begin,
he said.
While
Dean spent much of his lecture discussing methods for unifying
the nation, the question-and-answer period that followed his
speech—and lasted longer than the speech itself—provided a
reminder of how difficult bridging the nation’s cultural divide
is likely to be.
When
a self-described “right-winger” discussed her reasons for
voting Republican in the recent election, the largely Democratic
crowd suddenly took an aggressive turn, shouting and issuing
a chorus of boos that drowned out much of the speaker’s words.
After calming the audience and letting the speaker have her
say, Dean explained the myth of “partial-birth abortions”
to the speaker, who had used the outlawing of such practices
as justification for her vote.
“Partial-birth
abortion doesn’t exist,” he said, adding that the term is
most frequently employed by anti-choice candidates to refer
to the late-term abortions—of which very few actually occur
each year.
Despite
Dean’s insistence that she be heard, after the woman first
left the mic, she returned to tell the crowd that another
woman in line had just told her to “Drop dead.”
Dean
also laughed off a question about his political future, saying,
“It’s a lot easier to run for president when you have no idea
what you’re getting into.” He also declined to make any clear
statement about the rumors regarding a possible presidency
of the Democratic National Committee. One thing he did commit
to, however, is a continued presence in both the Democratic
Party and the national body politic as a force for change.
“One
thing this nation doesn’t need is a ‘Republican lite,’ ” he
announced, to a loud round of applause. “If that’s what we
are when we win, then what have we accomplished?”
—Rick
Marshall
rmarshall@metroland.net
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| Loose
Ends |
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Rensselaer
County assistant district attorney Joseph Ahearn,
who recently was tapped as a Republican candidate
for City Court judge when the incumbent, Henry
Bauer, was removed from the bench [“Reorder in
the Court,” Trail Mix, Oct. 21], has been nominated
by the Troy City Council to replace Bauer in the
interim, as expected. . . . After many protestations
that its policy was just fine, and in the face
of several controversial chases, some of which
broke the existing rules, the Albany Police
Department has tightened its rules on “hot pursuit”
[“Case Closed, Questions Open,” Newsfront, May
13]. Officers now have less discretion about when
to terminate a chase, and must give possibility
of danger to the public more weight. The APD also
is considering a policy that would keep officers
from firing at a vehicle unless someone in the
car was threatening deadly force with something
other than the vehicle itself. The department
has been tracking its pursuits since May.
. . . A private engineer’s report commissioned
by the Pine Hills Neighborhood Association has
found that the Madison Theater is basically
sound, except for a lot of mold and mildew from
water damage, and a flooded basement. The roof
probably needs replacing, the report said, but
quoted an earlier estimate of about $30,000 for
that work, not the hundreds of thousands suggested
by CVS representatives, who are interested in
the property [“A Dose of Suburbia,” Sept. 23].
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